T. C. ISTANBUL KÜLTÜR UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF GRADUATE STUDIES THE ROLE OF THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION IN ESTABLISHING THE FOUNDATIONS OF PALESTINIAN DIPLOMACY MA Thesis by MOHAMMED HUMEID 2000000411 Department: International Relations Programme: International Relations Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. Nazlı Çağın BİLGİLİ JUNE 2023 T. C. ISTANBUL KÜLTÜR UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF GRADUATE STUDIES THE ROLE OF THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION IN ESTABLISHING THE FOUNDATIONS OF PALESTINIAN DIPLOMACY MA Thesis by MOHAMMED HUMEID 2000000411 Department: International Relations Programme: International Relations Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. Nazlı Çağın BİLGİLİ Members of Examining Committee: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bora Bayraktar Asst. Prof. Dr. Filiz Katman June 2023 i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First of all, I give thanks and praise to God for His showers of blessings during my research work to successfully complete this research. Thank you to my beloved, most beautiful family, who has been supporting me in every step since my early childhood to become an ambitious and successful man I would like to express my deep gratitude to my research supervisors. assistant. Prof. Dr. Nazlı Çağın BİGİLİ for giving me the opportunity to conduct research and providing invaluable guidance during this research study. I was deeply inspired by his vision, motivation, energy and sincerity. It was a great honor and privilege to study and work under his guidance. I am really grateful for what he did for me. In addition, I am very grateful to Istanbul Kultur University Graduate Institute for its interest in successfully completing this thesis. All thanks to the Ambassador of the State of Palestine in the Republic of Turkey, Dr. Fayed Mustafa, who did not skimp on providing information and accessing the personalities who were interviewed. I thank them with their names and titles, Dr. Ahmed Sobh, Dr. Abdullah Abdullah and Professor Manuel Hassassian. Thanks to my dear friend Jamil Sabah, who contributed to the success of this research through his advice, in addition to all the friends and acquaintances who supported me to continue this research and make it a success. MOHAMMED HUMEID ii Dedication To my first love, Palestine To the martyrs of the homeland, headed by the martyr, the founder of the Palestinian revolution: Yasser Arafat, and his comrades. And the martyr, who renewed the revolution: Ibrahim Nabulsi and his comrades To the prisoners and the wounded To my dear family one by one To my brave friends and to all honest people MOHAMMED HUMEID iii Üniversite : Istanbul Kultur University Enstitü : Lisansüstü Eğitim Enstitüsü Department : Uluslararası ilişkiler Programme : Uluslararası ilişkiler Supervisor : Dr. Ögr . üyesi Nazlı Çağın BİLGİLİ Kazanılan Derece ve Tarih : Yüksek Lisans –Haziran 2023 ÖZET FİLİSTİN KURTULUŞ ÖRGÜTÜNÜN FİLİSTİN DİPLOMASİSİNİN TEMELLERİNİ OLUŞTURMADAKİ ROLÜ Bu araştırma tezi, uluslararası sistemde sadece uluslararası tüzel kişiliği olan devletlerle sınırlandırıldıktan sonra diplomasinin kurtuluş hareketlerine meşruiyet kazandırmadaki rolünü ve devlet dışı kişilerin diplomatik çalışma yapmadaki uluslararası etkinliğini kabul ederek açıklığa kavuşturmayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalışma aynı zamanda devlet diplomasisine geçmeden önce Filistin diplomasisinin temellerinin atılmasında FKÖ'nün rolünü açıklığa kavuşturmayı amaçlıyor, çünkü Filistin diplomasisi devlet için bir emsal olduğu kadar benzersiz bir vaka da teşkil ediyordu. FKÖ, kurulduğu yıllardan bu yana diplomatik çalışmalar yürüttü ve çağdaş Filistin devrimini desteklemek ve ulusal bağımsızlık hakları ve bağımsız bir Filistin devletinin kurulması talebi için uluslararası desteği seferber etmek için çekirdeği oluşturan diplomatik ofisler açtı. Bu araştırmanın önemi, uluslararası ilişkiler alanında siyasi ve diplomatik kanunları ele alırken veya geliştirirken, Filistin meselesine ilişkin en hızlı ve en uygun siyasi çözüme ulaşmak için karar vericilerin kapsamlı bir bakış açısı oluşturmasına katkı sağlamasında yatmaktadır. , bu da en iyi kararı vermek için aramaya baştan sona başlamak zorunda kalmak yerine kaynaklardan biri olarak ona güvenmelerini sağlar. Anahtar Kelimeler: diplomasi, Filistin, Filistin Kurtuluş Örgütü, uluslararası ilişkiler. iv University : Istanbul Kultur University Institute : Institute of Graduate Studies Department : International Relations Program : International Relations Supervisor : Asst. Prof. Dr. Nazlı Çağın BİLGİLİ Degree Awarded and Date : MA – June 2022 ABSTRACT THE ROLE OF THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION IN ESTABLISHING THE FOUNDATIONS OF PALESTINIAN DIPLOMACY This research thesis aims to clarify the role of diplomacy in giving legitimacy to liberation movements after it was limited to states only with their international legal personality in the international system, and by recognizing the international effectiveness of non-state persons to practice diplomatic work. The study also aims to clarify the role of the PLO in establishing the foundations of Palestinian diplomacy before moving to state diplomacy, as Palestinian diplomacy constituted a unique case as it was a precedent for the state. The PLO has practiced diplomatic work since its inception years, and opened diplomatic offices that formed the nucleus to support the contemporary Palestinian revolution, and to mobilize international support for the demand for national rights to independence, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. The importance of this research lies in its contribution to the formation of a comprehensive view of decision-makers when dealing with or developing political and diplomatic laws in the field of international relations in order to reach the fastest and most appropriate political solution regarding the Palestinian issue, which allows them to rely on it as one of the sources instead of having to start the search from the beginning to the end in order to make the best decision. Keywords: diplomacy, Palestine, PLO , international relations. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................ i DEDICATIO................................................................................................................. ii ÖZET .......................................................................................................................... iii ABSTRACT………......................................................................................................iv List of Abbreviate.......................................................................................................viii CHAPTER ONE: 1. Introduction............................................................................................................. 1 1. 2 Methodology………………………………………………………...…..….…….3 1. 2 .1 Study population……………………………………………………………..….5 1. 2 .2 questions…………….…………………………………………….……..……..7 CHAPTER TWO: 2. LITERATURE REVIEW......................................................................................10 2.1 Diplomacy.............................................................................................................10 2.1.1 The evolution of diplomacy................................................................................10 2.1.1.1 Ancient diplomacy...........................................................................................12 2.1.1.2 Modern diplomacy……………………………...………………….…….…..14 2.1.2 The importance of diplomacy……….………………….…………..…….……16 2.1.3 Means of diplomacy……...........................………………………..…….…….16 2.1.4 The diplomacy of liberation movements………………………...……….……18 2.1.4.1 Aspects of diplomatic representation of liberation movements….……….....19 2.1.4.2 The experience of PLO with conference diplomacy………….…............…..19 vi 2.1.5 The significance of diplomacy in general and for Palestinians……...........…..20 2.2 PLO………………………………..………...………...…………………..…….22 2.2.1 The forms of Palestinian diplomacy under the British Mandate (1917-1947)...22 2.2.2 Diplomacy of Palestine (1948-1964)……………………………………...…...25 2.2.3 Palestinian diplomacy between 1964 and 1973, the “birth of the PLO" stage..27 2.2.3.1 Institutions of the PLO………………………………….…...………………29 2.2.3.2 Objectives and role of the organization………………………………….…..32 2.2.3.3 The Eilabun Operation……………….……………………………...……....39 2.2.3.4 The war of 1967 (The Six-day War)……………………………...…………40 2.2.3.5 The ‘Victory’ of Al Karama………………………………….……………...41 2.2.3.6 Cairo Agreement of November 3, 1969…………………..….……………..42 2.2.4 The PLO from recognition until the establishment of the Palestinian Authority (19721994)…………………………………..……………………………………… 42 2.2.5 The Two-State Solution……………..…………………..…………….……….47 CHAPTER THREE: 3. FINDINGS…………………...…..……………………………………………….51 3.1 Arab role and influence…………………………………………………..………51 3.2 The geographical dispersion and fragmentation of the Palestinian people……....56 3.3 Armed struggle……………………..…………………………………………….60 3.4 Intellectual and ideological reference……...……………………………………64 3.5 Israeli influence……………………….…………………………………………66 3.6 International influence (UN)……………………………………………………..68 3.7 Oslo agreement…………………………………………………………………..72 CHAPTER FOUR: 4. CONCLUSION………………………………………..…...…………………….79 vii CHAPTER FIVE: 5. REFERENCES…………………………………….……………..………………84 viii List of Abbreviate PLO : Palestine Liberation Organization UN : The United Nations Fatah : The Palestinian National Liberation Movement PFLP : Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine ANM : Arab National Movement DFLP : The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine BSO : Black September Organization 1 CHAPTER ONE Introduction Diplomacy has an important role in the scope of international relations, through which these relations are established and strengthened and all matters of concern to different countries are addressed. It is a means of reconciling conflicting interests and divergent viewpoints. The rules of diplomacy were formed and settled to represent principles aimed at consolidating relations between countries and taking care of their interests and developing them in various fields through the exchange of diplomatic missions. It is also considered the finest form of communication in international relations, because it contributes to shaping the features of the diplomatic system based on creating an environment for consultation, consolidating relations, and developing them over time into customs and customary rules. The importance of diplomatic practice has grown and moved from the era of temporary diplomacy to the era of permanent diplomacy due to the fact that diplomatic representation is considered a reason for stability and strengthening relations between countries. If the practice of diplomacy is an act of sovereignty and is practiced by recognized independent states, then diplomacy in its Palestinian case is an exception to this rule, as it arose and developed in different circumstances than its counterparts in most countries of the world, as it arose in the absence of an independent and sovereign Palestinian state. Likewise, it did not work from within the Palestinian territories, but rather practiced it from exile. The Palestinian diplomatic work began to expand and develop, and it occupied a prominent position in the struggle process and the Palestinian revolution, during which it accompanied the military and organizational work. Despite the difficult circumstances and complex stages that confronted the Palestinian political and diplomatic action, the Palestinian diplomacy was able over time to achieve successes in the field of international relations, as it reached the peak of its successes and achievements during the first intifada (the popular uprising). The idea of multilateral Palestinian diplomatic representation began to crystallize little by little since the 1970s, after the Arab League recognized the PLO as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people since 1974. It then enjoyed full membership rights and attended the university’s work and all conferences held by the 2 latter’s bodies as a member. Complete, it was also recognized by the United Nations as an observer member in the same year. Despite the difficult conditions that faced the Palestinian people, it was able, after several years of Entity's efforts, to develop its representative bodies, and the PLO emerged, thus forming the first comprehensive Palestinian institution, which replaced the All-Palestine Government in the Arab League 2 during the year 1964, then came the Palestinian National Authority as a result of the struggle and struggle of the PLO for independence in the year 1993. The Palestinian diplomatic corps is the fruit of national production par excellence. The Palestinian leadership was keen to highlight international relations as an element of proving identity and self, although it is limited to the eastern camp and non-aligned countries. One of the first results of diplomatic relations was the Oslo peace agreement. Among its achievements was the return of nearly a quarter of a million Palestinians from their exile to their homeland. A new type of struggle emerged, the negotiation struggle, which is the struggle of Palestinian diplomatic action. Political observers described the language of negotiation as the language of diplomatic negotiation, and it is the most powerful and influential language, from this logic, the Palestinian negotiator achieved great results on the ground that made the Palestinian fighter experienced in the trench of negotiation and diplomatic action. The success of diplomacy was crowned in the challenge in President Mahmoud Abbas' declaration of the State of Palestine at the United Nations which was the result of the struggle and continuous work of the Palestinian diplomatic corps, as this success was followed by other successes at the international level. Following this topic, the primary research question of this study is: Has the PLO succeeded in effectively achieving the Palestinian presence at the diplomatic level on the international arena? Based on this question, the secondary research questions of this study follow as: (a) ‘What are the obstacles faced by the PLO in obtaining international recognition?’ (b) ‘How did the organization's diplomatic efforts help in enhancing the role of the Palestinian cause in the international arena?’ 3 1.2 Methodology The diplomatic apparatus is in the case of independent states, but in the Palestinian case it was different, so the diplomacy of Palestine began to take on a legitimate international character through the PLO and not within an apparatus belonging to an independent state, due to the lack of recognition by the United Nations that Palestine is an independent state. In this research we will discuss the role played by the PLO in establishing the foundations of Palestinian diplomacy, in addition to standing on the most important stations in the history of the PLO and how it reached international legitimacy through the United Nations recognition of it as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinians. The importance of the study lies in the fact that it is discusses an issue concerned with the future of Palestinian diplomacy and developing it, It gives observations and perceptions to workers in the Palestinian diplomatic field ,It highlights the importance of diplomatic action to achieve Palestinian demands. The absence of a strategy among the Palestinians these days. Demonstrates the importance of diplomatic action to mobilize external support. In addition, the issue is related to the Palestinian political reality and the failure to achieve independence yet. The study aims to clarify how the Palestinian diplomatic work began ,overcoming obstacles to improve and develop Palestinian diplomacy to achieve its objectives, clarify the impact and importance of diplomacy, highlighting weaknesses to develop the Palestinian diplomatic work, going towards a strategy agreed upon by all Palestinian factions to support the state project internationally, emphasizing that diplomacy is important for achieving the goals of states and the rights of peoples, the need to consider the Palestinian diplomatic future in light of the problem of the PLO and the state. The research hypotheses of this thesis could be explained as follow: The first hypothesis: PLO succeeded in establishing a Palestinian diplomacy. The second hypothesis: PLO through its diplomacy has become an entity in the international community The third hypothesis: PLO succeeded in internationalizing the Palestinian cause. 4 The measure of success for Palestinian diplomacy will depend on a comparison between the Palestinian reality before and after the PLO. Therefore, what changes and privileges have Palestinian diplomacy achieved, and to what level has the Palestinian narrative moved in the world? The criterion for success is that it is not a state became a state, with its own organs, embassies, rights and recognition in the United Nations, which is the highest international platform. It concludes agreements and enters into negotiations, engages in formal treaties, and this is what will be clarified and tested through this research. This section, a detailed description of the method and procedures followed in the implementation of the study, the study community, and the procedures of the study, in addition to the Obstacles that were encountered in preparing the study. I wanted to make interviews with experts on this issue so that they would be the main source, and I would use from what I read as a secondary source. The interviews were chosen as the main source in this study because they will depend on experts who have sufficient experience to answer questions, that it is difficult to find answers to from the available sources only, considering that some of them were among the first to practice and establish Palestinian diplomacy, and others have great experience in the diplomatic and political field, and have served in several locations and embassies around the world. And it was decided to rely on sources such as books, researchs and articles as a secondary source to confirm and compare what is seen through experts. In this research, many techniques of interviews were used, one interview was a face- to-face interview, in addition to two phone calls interviews via audio. Also, one interview was a voice messages through WhatsApp application (online interviews). This diversity in interview techniques came about as a result of the absence of the interviewees in an easily accessible geographical area, in addition to the political and diplomatic situation for these personalities, as we know their concerns and the security arrangements used to conduct these interviews. 5 1.2.1 Study population The study population we have in this research are the personalities who were interviewed. In this research, as mentioned previously, we relied on interviews in implementing the research objective, and the interviewees were as follows: 1. Dr. Fayed Mustafa, Faed Khaled Abed Mustafa (Abu Tareq; born July 23, 1965 in Deir Ballut) is a Palestinian diplomat and the current Palestinian ambassador to Turkey, and its former ambassador to Russia. He obtained a BA in Economics and Administrative Sciences from Yarmouk University in Jordan in 1987, and a MA in History from The Russian University for Friendship of Peoples in Moscow in 2001, and a PhD in the same university . he worked At the Moscow embassy in various locations for eleven years before he became the ambassador of Palestine in Russia 2009, and left on May 28, 2015 to Turkey as ambassador to the State of Palestine. He presented his credentials to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on June 17, 2015. He participated in many training courses in various diplomatic and strategic fields at home and abroad. On December 4, 2016, he won the elections of the Palestinian Revolutionary Council, which were held during the Seventh Conference of the Fatah movement, and became a member of it. Dr. Fayed was chosen because he is considered one of the most qualified Palestinian ambassadors at the present time and a very seasoned diplomat, and since he is the Palestinian ambassador to Turkey, a large country in which the Palestinian community is considered one of the largest, and it is also a friendly country to the Palestinian people, this is the best evidence of his competence. In addition to his service in Russia as an ambassador, which is considered a great country, and therefore, without his success and great ability, he would not have become an ambassador there. 2. Dr.Ahmed Sobh Ahmed Hassan Ahmed Sobh (born July 4, 1952 in Jenin) is a Palestinian physician, politician, and diplomat whose family emigrated from the village of Umm Al-Shouf in the Haifa district after the 1948 war. He studied medicine at the University of Granada, Spain. diplomat, Former ambassador, worked as a deputy ambassador in Spain and ambassador in Portugal, Brazil and Mexico before the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, and an undersecretary of the Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs after returning to Palestine and an 6 undersecretary of the Ministry of Information, and an ambassador to Morocco. For years he has been the general manager of the Yasser Arafat Foundation, in addition to being a member of the Revolutionary Council of the Fatah movement, heads its political committee, and is a member of the National Council Dr. Ahmed was chosen because of his serious work as an ambassador in several countries and an undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which deals with everything related to Palestine on the international scene. He has a lot of experience in diplomatic work and left a lot of impact on the Palestinian cause in every place and workplace also He is one of the first Palestinian diplomatic work practitioners. 3. Prof. Dr.Manuel Hassassian: Manuel Sarkis Hassassian (born December 28, 1953 in Jerusalem - ) Manuel Sarkis Hassassian was born on December 28, 1953 in Jerusalem, State of Palestine. He left for Lebanon after completing his high school studies to obtain higher education, and obtained a bachelor’s degree in political science from the American University of Beirut in 1975, a master’s degree in international relations from the University of Toledo, Ohio, USA in 1976 and later a doctorate in comparative politics from the University of Cincinnati , Ohio State in the United States in 1986. Diplomat, politician, and professor from the State of Palestine. He served as the representative of the State of Palestine to the United Kingdom from October 31, 2005 until 2018. Between 2018 and 2019, he held the position of Ambassador of the State of Palestine to Hungary. On October 20, 2020, he presented his credentials as Ambassador of the State of Palestine to Denmark. He previously held the position of President of Bethlehem University and President of the Council of Higher Education from 1999 to 2005. He was responsible for the Jerusalem negotiation file in the Negotiations Affairs Department and a consultant at Orient House, which was the headquarters of the PLO between 1980's and 1990's. Professor Manuel was chosen because of his long experience in diplomacy and his role in communicating the Palestinian narrative to European circles that had one narrative on the issue of the Palestinian people he is also one of the oldest practitioners of political and diplomatic activity. 4. Dr. Abdullah Abdullah: He was born in Jerusalem in 1939 on the first of April. He completed his studies in Jerusalem. He graduated from the Rashidiyyah School. He studied philosophy at the University of Damascus, a diploma in education and 7 psychology at Ain Shams University in Egypt, and a master’s degree in sociology, then a doctorate in international relations. He worked A teacher at the beginning of his life, and he was active in one of the Arab parties, and he went to prison for 26 months because of that. He was one of the first Fatah cadres when he was a teacher in Bahrain. He started his organizational activity in Fatah in 1968. He served in several positions in Fatah bases with the fighters and the media department. Then in the Foreign Relations Commission of the Fatah movement, and he was the first director of its office in Beirut, representative of the Liberation Organization in Canada from 1971 to 1990, ambassador of Palestine to Greece from 1990 to 2003, and the first undersecretary of the Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 2003 to 2006. He resigned from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and He was elected a member of the Legislative Council, Chairman of the Political Committee in the Legislative Council, Member of the Palestinian National Council since 1979, Head of the Palestinian Delegation to the Council of Europe and the Inter-Parliamentary Union, Deputy Commissioner for International Relations of Fatah Movement in Palestine, Minister and Ambassador of Palestine to Lebanon (April /April 2010-December/ December 2011). He was also elected a member of the Fatah Revolutionary Council and an activist for conflict prevention and human security at the East-West Institute (Brussels). He also served as Vice President of the Middle East Institute for Studies (Al-Mamoun). Dr. Abdullah was chosen because he was one of the first cadres in Fatah, who lived the details of the struggle and political stage from its inception, so he held many political and diplomatic positions and served the Palestinian cause from his early youth until now. He had a major role in the foreign arena, particularly in Europe, by virtue of his work in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as its agent. 1.2.2 questions Based on the literature discussion of the events I covered, I prepared the questions as such : Q1 How has the whole process of creating a Palestinian entity that represents the Palestinian people and their cause internationally worked? Q2 what do you think were the reasons that led to the emergence of the Palestine Liberation Organization? 8 Q3 How was the Palestinian diplomatic work practiced before and after the recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization? What is the difference between practice before and after the recognition? Q4 what has the PLO achieved through diplomacy? And has it achieved its goals? Q5 Was the PLO affiliated with other countries in its decisions? Q6 how did the relations of the PLO factions with their supporting countries help legitimize the PLO? Q7 How did the ideological diversity of the PLO factions in making diplomatic decisions affect the process? Q8 how did the revolutionary contribute to the diplomacy of the PLO and the recognition of its legitimacy? Q9 what role have the Arab states played in supporting and empowering the legitimacy of the PLO at the international level? Q10 How did the PLO’s participation in the Fourth Summit of the Non-Aligned Countries in 1973 and the Fifth Arab Summit of the same year, in addition to its participation in the Islamic Summit Conference, the Sixth Arab Summit and the 12th session of the Palestinian National Council in 1974, enhance its representation at the international level as a legitimate and the only representative of the Palestinian people? Q11 What were the consequences and impact of Yasser Arafat's speech at the United Nations General Assembly in 1974? what were the consequences and impact of Yasser Arafat's speech at the United Nations General Assembly in 1974? These were the main questions that I wanted to direct to the interviewees through face-to-face, WhatsApp voice notes(online interviews), and phone calls. 1.3.3 Executing the interview: •The interviews were carried out between 26/10/2022 and 15/1/2023, and as previously mentioned, it was the longest period in preparing the study due to the limited time of these personalities. 9 •As for the technique of conducting interviews with personalities, they were as follows: 1. Dr. Fayed Mustafa, so the interview was face to face, as we went from Istanbul to Ankara to the site of the Palestinian embassy there, and that interview was recorded through the phone recorder after permission was taken from His Excellency the Ambassador. 2. Dr. Ahmed Sobh The interview was conducted via the WhatsApp application and through exchanged audio recordings, with an audio recording from my side asking the question and an audio recording from his side answering the aforementioned question 3. Prof. Dr.Manuel Hassassian, the interview took place via an audio call with him, and also after his permission was taken, the audio call was recorded via another phone. 4. Dr. Abdullah Abdullah The interview took place via a voice call with him, in addition to obtaining permission from him to record the interview via another phone. •After conducting the interviews, the audio recordings and voice notes were listened to several times, and then they were transcribed and collected to extract the results, analyze them, and propose appropriate recommendations. It was not easy to communicate with well-known figures in the field of Palestinian diplomatic work due to their complex security situation and their constant preoccupation with their work inside Palestine or in the embassies in which they serve, but after 4 months of effort, and after communicating with more than 10 prominent figures in the Palestinian diplomatic field I could manage to conduct 4 interviews, in addition to the fact that I was not able to conduct a direct dialogue except with one person, namely the Palestinian Ambassador to Turkey, Dr. Fayed Mustafa, due to my presence in Turkey. 10 CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Diplomacy The role of diplomacy in our time is important and distinctive in the field of international relations, as it has become a major tool for achieving the goals of foreign policy and influencing foreign countries and groups to gain their support and dealing with all matters of concern to various countries.In addition to its role in reconciling conflicting interests and different points of view, facilitating the solution of problems, spreading friendship and understanding among countries, and through it each country can consolidate its position and enhance its influence, it supports peace and avoids war (Asmaa, 2018) 2.1.1 The evolution of diplomacy The word diplomacy, derived from the Greek word diploma, means anything that folds or applies and specifically refers to plans or communications conveyed by kings and princes. However, the concept of diplomacy was not frequently used in ancient and medieval times through presidents, ambassadors, or envoys; rather, it was linked to the beginning of the modern state's emergence in Europe, the ensuing rise in relations and interactions between states, and the resulting expansion of the role of diplomacy as a tool for carrying out states' foreign policies (Fouk El ada, 1973). At the end of the eighteenth century, particularly with the 1815’s Vienna Conference, the term "diplomacy as a diplomat" first appeared. At that time, it expanded to include the conduct of political relations between States and their management with everything. This idea was then developed with the development of the nation-state. This idea got established in the nineteenth century, was introduced to the rest of the globe by colonial Europe, evolved along with the rise of the sovereign state, and has since come to be accepted as the norm by all members of the global community, in particular governments (Al-Ajrami, 2011). In the modern era, diplomacy has evolved into a method of communication, comprehension, and negotiation between various nations and governments at all levels of politics, economics, society, and the military. As a result, this definition has grown and evolved to encompass all types of international relations between nations (Al-Hashimi, 2003) . The Oxford English Dictionary defines it more fully as “the management of international relations by 11 negotiation; the method by which these relations are adjusted and managed by ambassadors and envoys; the business of art of the diplomatist; skill ... in the conduct of international intercourse and negotiations” (Lawrence, 2009). However, the French diplomat, Rivet, defined diplomacy as (Khalaf M. , 1989)“the science and art of representing countries and negotiations, as it is considered a science, because it is based on foundations and rules that have been codified, and an art in that it depends on the individual’s capabilities, capabilities and talents that may not be available in others”. While Harold Nixon 1949 defines it as (Al-Ajrami, 2011) “the direction of international relations through negotiations and the manner in which ambassadors and envoys manage these relations and the work of the diplomatic man or his category. Modern diplomacy is nothing more than an extension of old diplomacy, which was influenced by a number of factors, including the growth of the spirit of interests between nations and the prosperity of means of communication and transportation, which led to the development of modern diplomacy. Diplomacy is a continuous extension through the ages because it came through the experience and experiences of peoples from long ago and developed with the development of societies and states. According to the needs of countries and the stages they are going through, it results in the branching of numerous forms of diplomacy. Image : (Boris15) 12 The comparison of diplomacy throughout history cannot be affected by the basics for which diplomacy was created, such as sending envoys from one regime to another to send specific messages or send gifts, in addition to establishing alliances (Cohen, 2001). Diplomacy experts have discovered diplomatic techniques that have existed throughout human history, all around the world, and even before written records. Even so, it wasn't until the last decade of the eighteenth century that the term "diplomacy" was actually used. Whereas "diplomacy" was originally viewed with considerable skepticism, even with its diversity of meanings, and was primarily connected with the state, in recent decades the notion has come to be associated with more positive connotations and has expanded to encompass a wider range of phenomena (Kerr, Sharp, & Constantinou, 2016). The word "diplomacy" has its roots in ancient Greek; the Greek word for "diplomat" was "diplomatic." This word, which originally meant "old man," later entered the French language to describe the activity of a negotiator. There is no doubt that diplomacy has a lengthy history dating back literally thousands of years. The earliest evidence of diplomatic activity is a message written on a stone tablet discovered in what is now northern Iran around 2500 BC. This letter was most likely delivered by an envoy who traveled back and forth between two different kingdoms over a distance of 1,200 miles, A world of itinerant envoys driven by concerns about war and peace can be seen in documents from the Euphrates kingdom in the middle of the eighth century BC and from the era of Akhenaten's rule of Egypt four centuries later. David Reynolds dates the profession's beginning to at least the Bronze Age. It was a clear example of diplomacy even if it was a primitive planet by today's standards, with few conventions and far-reaching borders (J. M, 2021). 2.1.1.1 Ancient diplomacy The earliest examples of diplomacy can be found in royal inscriptions honoring the gods discovered in the remains of ancient cities scattered across the productive plains of southern Mesopotamia, now modern Iraq, between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. They date to around 2500 BC and are written in wedge-shaped, Sumerian language cuneiform script. They discuss relationships between city-states. The topics covered 13 include armed conflicts, alliances, border disputes, and "arbitration" awards—the resolution of a dispute by a third party (Kerr & Wiseman, 2017) . The time of establishing the first norms of behavior intended to govern interactions between two or more human groups remains unknown. The Sumerian civilization, especially the city of Kish, occupied the first and advanced step of diplomatic relations, which is located in the northern part of Mesopotamia, which also extended its influence over the southern cities, and this was proven in some correspondence between these cities and the ancient Egyptian civilization (Altman, 2004). Three letters written by Shamshi-Adad and his son Jasmah-Addu that were found in Mari describe "expeditions" and "envoys" traveling between Dilmun, Babylon, Mari, and Shamshi-hometown Adad's of Shubat-Enlil (Tell Leilan). Along with the letters, there is a brief administrative note that lists an oil shipment that was delivered as a gift to the monarch of Dilmun. This little corpus was recently revised, and two additional letters from the enormous number of Mari tablets that have not yet been published have been included (Eidem & Højlund, 1993). Pharaonic Egypt maintained its sense of culture and ethics for long of the second millennium BCE by remaining distant from the realm of cuneiform diplomacy, but it was ultimately forced to establish diplomatic ties with other Great Kings (Balzacq, Ramel, & Charillon, 2020). King Amonhotep III of Egypt discussed the control of Syria and Palestine in his correspondence between Egypt and Asia. He also made sure that the pharaohs maintained tight ties with the Mitanni and Babylonian kings. Diplomatic letters from the kings of Babylon and Mitanni to Amonhotep III and Amonhotep IV can be found in the Al-Amarna archives. These letters have varying contents, but they always discuss the rulers whose personalities the entire state exalts. Amonhotep III tells Kadashman-Harba, the king of Babylon, that he wants the queen of Babylon to live in his harem, With reference to his daughter's tragically unfortunate fate, the king of Babylon delays this wish. Kadashman-Harba eventually consented to give his daughter to the harem when the ambassadors informed the pharaoh that this was a fictitious justification. In exchange, he sought the Egyptian queen, gold, and presents. The aforementioned texts are all written in clinopian, a babylonian language that served as the thim's official diplomatic tongue (Norbo‘tayev, 2022). Diplomacy was not seen as a crucial area for governmental activity in the ancient legacy of ancient Greece as well as that of the Roman Republic (509-27 B.C.) and the 14 Roman Empire (27 B.C.-641 A.D.). The relationships with other entities were decided upon publicly. Further, unlike the Mesopotamian era, limited, if not nonexistent, procedure served to identify classical Greek diplomacy. Without protection, the ambassadors dispatched to Athens frequently met their deaths (Balzacq, Ramel, & Charillon, 2020). Rome and its Italian allies had numerous contacts with Greek cities as well, and while these communities' relationships with Rome altered significantly throughout the centuries, the exchanges' core procedures, rituals, and vocabularies stayed the same. For example, an envoy was sent by the Roman Empire to the Greeks with official correspondence, in addition to sending gifts to neighboring countries (Eilers, 2009). There are always emotional components to negotiations and diplomatic interactions. They can range from the expression of pride (as in the text of Plutarch) to friendship and affection, from threats and the instilling of fear to the remembering of former deeds and the invoking of appreciation, from in-depth accounts of pain and the invoking of pity to the desire for a shared gain. There is a wealth of evidence for affective and emotive components in diplomatic interactions and other types of communication between the representatives of two communities or authorities in both literary sources (particularly Thucydides, Xenophon, and Polybius) and epigraphic material (Chaniotis, 2015) . 2.1.1.2 Modern diplomacy Due to the quantitative revolution that the field of diplomacy has undergone over the past 50 years, the everyday language of diplomacy has been greatly expanded. The scope of diplomacy has greatly expanded as it seems that practically everything has become a legitimate topic of discussion on the global stage (Berridge & Lloyd, 2012). Unlike traditional diplomacy, modern diplomacy involves a complex range of abilities, institutional and extra-institutional international relations that go beyond official interactions between government representatives of various nations. Rather than being conducted through diplomatic missions in the concerned states, today's diplomacy is much more often conducted between intellectuals, analysts, and researchers as well as representatives of citizens' associations, informal institutions, non-governmental organizations, and citizens' associations (Pesto, 2010) . Compared to earlier times, these actors are connected more quickly and frequently thanks to technology advancements like the internet, social media, and faster air, land, 15 and sea communication and transit systems. Adaptability is the second component of complicated diplomacy. It may be argued that today's backdrop (domestic and international) is more unclear and complex than it was in earlier times. Other times, such as the transition in Europe during the fifteenth century from the secular Westphalian nation-state to the Pax Christiana's moral and social order, predicted historical uncertainties and complexities that required adaptation, Diversity is the third component of complicated diplomacy. This refers to the fact that diplomacy today takes on a wider range of forms, such as bilateral, multilateral, and transnational, and that scholars, activists, and others think about it in a far wider range of ways than in the past (Kerr & Wiseman, 2017).The public at large as well as those interested in international affairs now live daily lives surrounded by diplomacy and diplomats. A Kenyan diplomat has described "gumboot diplomacy" as being practiced by diplomats outside of conference rooms (Kurbalija, 1998). The division of diplomacy into two notions is one of the best approaches to comprehend what it means nowadays. The limited interpretation is based on conventional views of diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy, similar to governmental agencies for foreign relations. If the fact that ambassadors in the twenty-first century work for other governmental institutions and that the international system has a variety of participants are taken into account (Klavins, 2011), a more inclusive definition of diplomacy with a range of potential applications must be utilized. In this situation, diplomacy is more commonly associated with international connections and discussions (Väyrynen, 1996).The increased importance of personal diplomacy by the head of state or government is a key component of modern diplomacy. Foreign ministers' overall function and influence have often decreased as a result of heads of state's direct or indirect involvement in key foreign policy matters, often at the expense of the local ambassador (Barston, 2019) . From high politics of war and peace to health, ecology, development, science and technology, education, law, and the arts, diplomacy now covers a wider range of topics. From negotiation, communication, consular, representation, and reporting to observation, merchandise trade and services promotion, cultural exchange, and public relations, diplomats are involved in a wide range of tasks (Cooper, 2013). However, the fact that diplomacy was becoming a more "regular" and permanent feature of early 16 modern politics did not imply that sovereignty had been completely stabilized (Osborne & Rubiés, 2016). 2.1.2 The importance of diplomacy After the idea of diplomacy was like the word diploma, the folded paper that the king sends with his correspondent, it has evolved to mean double-sided metal sheets sewn with perfection, which were granted to their holders as licenses on the roads of the empire, commissioned envoys or persons arriving abroad for their kings and princes, and the emperor granted them on his behalf or even issued by the Senate Roman. Later, it expanded to include the official documents that contain information about the country, that is the archive. Then, this idea evolved with the Byzantines, the Abbasids, and the Franks, where, as previously demonstrated, diplomacy has come to mean the foreign relations of these countries as well as their executors, particularly the ambassadors and the agencies supervising them hierarchically up to the head of state, whether it be the patriarch, the caliph, the king, or the prince, that is, the sender and the recipient, in addition to whatever is issued in their name by the office in charge of that, whether the passport, the immunities and privileges granted to envoys, or the archive that contains letters, documents, and agreements pertaining to the foreign relations of heads of state (Fouk El ada, 1973). According to what was previously mentioned, the importance of diplomacy in general lies in the conduct of foreign relations in a correct way that ultimately leads to achieving interests, and therefore diplomacy plays an important and essential role in organizing relations between countries and international organizations and in reconciling the interests of disparate countries. agreements, treaties or alliances would not have been signed if diplomacy did not exist. 2.1. 3 Means of diplomacy There is no doubt that diplomacy uses means to reach its goals, otherwise it has not evolved over time. Among these means are the following: a. Cultural tools: These tools are seen as a contemporary addition to and a new pattern of international diplomatic patterns. Their emergence and confirmation of their significance in current international relations was facilitated by a number of key 17 causes, including that new levels of mutual international perception between nations and peoples have previously crystallized, and these tools are now used to create a vast network of international exchange and cooperation relations in a variety of scientific, cultural, artistic, and technological fields, as well as to design a general framework for new cultural policies that enable them to express the fundamental values that form the basis of every societies (Abu Afifa, 1998). There is no doubt that the period prior to and during the establishment of PLO, the evolution was simple, unlike today or in the period of the advent of the authority, especially since the Organization was emerging, but was struggling to spread a culture that the Palestinians have the right to resist the Zionist occupation and restore their occupied land. As a result of its diplomatic simple steps, supporters of the Palestinian cause appeared from all over the world until it reached the far west in Cuba and Argentina. b. Economic tools: These are crucial in international political negotiations. They have a wide range of effects on the nature of trade exchange relationships between nations and the laws governing customs duties and taxes, either as preventive measures or in accordance with the reciprocity principle, as the state adopts the principle of preferential fees, which denotes preferential tax treatment for some nations due to the presence of other countries. Examples of this include the agreements that the PLO and the Samed Foundation reached with numerous nations in 1981, including Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Senegal, as the Palestinian Authority has held since its establishment (Obaidan, 1994). c. Military tools: Armed force is seen as one of the fundamental diplomatic instruments for carrying out foreign policy and as one of the fundamental components for diplomacy's success. However, it is of great interest to the governments of the international community because the military tool offers a background of confidence and stability for the work of diplomacy. Furthermore, it is wise to negotiate from a position of strength because, when under pressure, a nation without a military force cannot resist making concessions that jeopardize its vital interests or threats that it was unable to stop (Hassan, 1999). Perhaps the most prominent diplomacy offered by the Palestine Liberation Movement is diplomacy based on armed struggle, as the 18 PLO, through its military factions, despite its simplicity as a military armament, has inflicted many military and human losses on Israel. Therefore, the leadership of Israel has often resorted to submission and refuge to the conclusion of some agreements and truces with the PLO, either directly or indirectly, in the battle of dignity, in which the Jordanian government was the visible face of the agreement and recognized as a sovereign state by Israel. Therefore, the PLO had a great influence in military diplomacy on Israel although it is not a sovereign state . In addition to these means, there are other means followed by diplomacy in particular, to achieve its goals, such as the means of diplomatic crisis and the means of diplomatic alliance. However, the status of the PLO does not allow it to practice these means, according to the fact that it was not a state at that time. 2.1. 4 The diplomacy of liberation movements In order to discuss the diplomacy of national liberation movements, it is necessary to define these movements as well as their diplomatic strategies through their official relations with other nations and international organizations in the context of their pursuit of independence and self-determination. This is because the origins of such movements lie in the liberation from colonialism and occupying forces as well as the establishment of independent states and the right to self-determination, Professor Dib Akkawi defined the liberation movements (Akkawi, 1997) “They are political organizations and groupings that represent a people under foreign or colonial control, and seek to achieve national independence. The United Nations Charter helped to establish such organizations, which supports and legislates for peoples the right to self-determination, so national liberation movements came as entities emanating from those peoples, while this step is considered the first to demand this right, by establishing the political organization or representative that will express the people's desire for self-determination.” The law permits national liberation movements to engage in all forms of resistance, including armed ones, in order to achieve independence and determine the fate of their people, which these movements originate from. As a result, national liberation movements are considered legal persons recognized by international laws and norms in order to achieve self- determination for peoples who are under colonialism or foreign domination. The PLO is the biggest and most significant of these movements, which have existed for the past century. 19 2.1.4.1 Aspects of diplomatic representation of liberation movements Any diplomatic and official ties created by national liberation groups as persons of international law are now permitted by international diplomatic law and the United Nations Charter, and they can take the following forms: a. The leaders of national liberation movements visit some countries, especially those with whom they have friendship and provide economic, military, and humanitarian aid, nations that support them politically and morally, or nations with which they coordinate their policies, demonstrating the friendly relations between these movements and some countries. For example, visits, constant travels and meetings with top leaders that the late leader Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO, made to most capitals throughout the globe (Sahwil & Jihad, 2014). b. The establishment of permanent diplomatic missions or liaison and information offices as means of expressing the official ties national liberation organizations have with various nations. For instance, the PLO's foreign affairs apparatus, which persisted after the creation of the Palestinian Authority in 1993, and the titles of these missions and their leaders fluctuate depending on the relationship of foreign persons. others, in accordance with their level of notoriety (Khalaf M. , 1989) . 2.1.4.2 The experience of PLO with conference diplomacy The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) invited the PLO in 1974, along with 13 other national liberation movements recognized by the Organization of African Unity, to participate in the International Humanitarian Law Conference that year as full members with the exception of the right to vote on behalf of the ICRC. The General Assembly also extended an invitation to the PLO in 1975 to take part in all Middle East-related initiatives, talks, and conferences on an equal basis with all other participants, whether they were from nations, organizations, or liberation movements. Al-Ashaal received an invitation from the General Assembly to the Vienna Conference on the Convention on the Representation of States in International Organizations the same year (Hamid, 2018). 20 2.1. 5 The significance of diplomacy in general and for Palestinians In the context of international relations, diplomacy plays a crucial role in the development and maintenance of those relations as well as the resolution of all issues of concern to various nations. It also serves as a technique of bridging opposing ideas and competing interests, Through the interchange of diplomatic missions, the rules of diplomacy have been developed and its procedures established in accordance with guiding principles intended to strengthen international ties and protect national interests and progress (Ashour, 2016) .The importance of diplomatic practice has grown and moved from the era of temporary diplomacy to the era of permanent diplomacy due to the fact that diplomatic representation is a reason for the stability and for strengthening of relations between countries, especially after the Cold War, a new phenomenon in international relations, which is the decline of diplomatic action and the advancement of military force as a tool for resolving many issues, disadvantages and crises, and therefore after the exhaustion of force, the solution to confront these crises was through permanent diplomacy (Thompson, 1965) . If conducting diplomacy is an act of sovereignty carried out by states and recognized independent political entities, that is, if it is an institutional activity carried out after the establishment of the state rather than before, and if it is a pillar that is available after the availability of the pillars of land, people, and sovereignty, diplomacy in the Palestinian case established a precedent and was an exception to the rule, where diplomacy was practiced before the establishment of the Palestinian state, despite all the difficulties and its practice from outside Palestine, it used to practice traditional diplomacy like the rest of the countries and not revolutionary diplomacy, as revolutionary diplomacy is practiced in areas that have been seized by the revolutionaries. for example, but the diplomacy of the Palestinian liberation movement, which was practiced by traditional diplomacy like the rest of the countries, was an exception (Ashour, 2016) (Ali Fayaz, Summer 1996). Since the start of the Palestinian revolution in the 1960s of the previous century until today, the Palestinian leadership has been keen to highlight international relations as an element of identity and self-affirmation, even though it was limited to the eastern camp and the non- aligned countries, so that it was described as the "fruit of a national production par excellence." President Yasser Arafat, who lives in a plane and traveled around the countries in order to bring attention to the Palestinian cause, more substantial and 21 sturdy, more assured that this cause is just, and more courageous in international forums (Al-Wahidi., 2013). Diplomacy started as the Palestinian revolution's significance and media presence on the world stage increased. The Palestinian Authority entered the world scene, and after the opening of some special offices for them in some friendly and supportive nations of the Palestinian cause, the Palestinian delegations started their tours in friendly nations. Currently, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) has a diplomatic corps made up of embassies, and in other nations there are representations that speak for the PNA in host nations and transmit its position to all friendly nations ( Jafal, 2013). Israeli and American efforts to obstruct Palestinian representation and participation at the international level with the aim of eradicating the Palestinian national character and the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people are thought to be the cause of the intense Palestinian diplomatic presence with nations, international organizations, and the international community (Boukhazna & Omrani, 2018). The Palestinians are a people with fundamental national and human rights, the most significant of which is the right to national independence and sovereignty in an independent state, so this issue is also significant from that perspective. In accordance with United Nations General Assembly Resolution No. 3236 of November 22, 1974, the Palestinian people's fundamental rights are recognized by the UN as unalienable rights after it determined that the PLO is the only legal representative of this people (A note on the Palestinian diplomatic initiative at the United Nations, 2011). According to what was previously mentioned, the diplomacy practiced by the former PLO in its role as a representative of the Palestinian people and the Palestinian Authority now, despite the obstacles that Israel and its ally America practiced between the countries of the world and the United Nations in particular by exercising the right of veto, succeeded in its important role of attracting the attention of the whole world to the issue of the Palestinians. Its legitimate right to gain their freedom and independence. Thus, it is noted that Palestinian diplomacy is restricted in some way, since it is an observer member, but it has achieved a lot for the Palestinian people and had the greatest impact, and Palestine still demands full membership in the United Nations to practice diplomacy completely and freely with the countries of the world and to obtain its independence and the expulsion of the Zionist entity that 22 occupied Palestinian lands for about 74 years. The last of these diplomatic achievements was obtaining full membership in UNESCO. 2.2 PLO Due to the support, help, and legitimacy that diplomacy provides on a regional and international level, it is impossible to envision the creation of Palestinian diplomacy without the emergence of the Palestinian resistance. Diplomacy is a form of sovereignty that states exercise as an institutional activity that is practiced after the establishment of the state. In order to keep up with the military, organizational, and political action, the Palestinian diplomatic action started to grow and evolve together with the struggle process and the Palestinian revolution. Examining the role of Palestinian diplomacy as one of the means for carrying out and accomplishing the liberation and independence goals of the Palestinian people, diplomacy in the Palestinian case is an exception to this rule because it emerged and developed under conditions different from those in most other countries of the world and in the absence of an independent and sovereign Palestinian entity . The institutionalization of Palestinian diplomacy started with the establishment of the PLO, which was charged with opening Palestinian representations and consulates in the majority of the world's countries, as well as the clear development of diplomatic action following the declaration of the establishment of the independent Palestinian state ("Declaration of Independence in Algeria in 1988") and the establishment of the PLO, which is internationally recognized and is committed to the non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries (Abu Ramadan, 2016). 2. 2.1 The forms of Palestinian diplomacy under the British Mandate (1917-1947) Following the British Mandate for Palestine and the rise in Zionist immigration to it with Britain's encouragement and support, this sparked a sense of national identity in the Palestinians and led to them confronting Britain through demonstrations, protests, 23 and unrest against the British soldiers. This feeling was furthered by the emergence of Palestinian leaders who took it upon themselves to spearhead Palestinian political action, With the exception of the delegations that were sent to Britain between 1919 and 1922, which assisted the beginning of the Palestinian diplomatic action, Palestinian diplomacy at that time relied on conference diplomacy through its participation in a number of internal conferences between 1919 and 1922, international conferences, including the Islamic Conference in Jerusalem in 1931, the Bloudan Conference in 1937, and the London Conference in 1937 (Al-azeera, 2022). Conference diplomacy: During those periods, the Palestinian forces held several internal and external conferences, and most of their diplomatic goals were to reject the policies and decisions of the British Mandate, such as the rejection of Jewish immigration to Palestine and the Balfour Declaration, where the British Foreign Minister gave the land of Palestine to the Jews as their national home (Fayyad, 1999). Between 1919 and 1928, there were seven sessions of the Palestinian Arab Conference, a representative conference convened on behalf of the Arabs of Palestine. This conference is a national institution comparable to the parliament and has its own distinct objectives and programs. Between 27 and 227 delegates from different Palestinian cities and districts participated. The majority of them held important positions in the political sphere or had been involved in political organizations during the Ottoman era before joining Palestinian national societies. The purpose of the conference was to establish the political platform of the national struggle movement and disseminate its propaganda abroad. Each conference produced an executive committee, and it was decided that it would serve as the voice of the Arabs of Palestine, oversee the implementation of the decisions made at the conference, and guide and lead the national movement (Ashour, 2016). In addition to the Bloudan Conference in 1937, which suggested a "final solution" to the Palestine issue based on dividing the country into three regions: A Jewish state, a region under British mandate, and an Arab region east of Jordan that includes an emirate, there was the Islamic Conference in 1931 and the Conference of Muslim Scholars in 1935, both of which were held in Jerusalem. The committee's report was accepted, the partition decision was adopted, and the British government declared its 24 desire to carry it through. The Higher Arab Committee for Palestine rejected the Royal Commission's suggestion and reaffirmed its intention to oppose it and the Palestinian people were angry at losing their country's unity. Finally, there was the London General Conference, whose six-week-long conference sessions resulted in an agreement between the British and Arabs on the key issues under discussion, including Jewish immigration to Palestine, the selling of land to Jews, and the Constitution. The few and significant issues in contention were things like how long the transition period would last and what conditions would be appropriate. The British government, however, used these comparatively insignificant differences as justification to adjourn the conference's proceedings so that it could unilaterally make a declaration of its findings and formulate its new policy. In fact, the British government released a "White Paper” of its own to explain its new policy in 1936 (Al- azeera, 2022) (Edelheit H. , 2019) Delegation diplomacy: This pattern was represented by the political contacts that were carried out by the committees formed by the Palestinians, such as the Arab Executive Committee and the Arab Higher Committee. Within these committees, Palestinian delegations and envoys were sent to various countries, via the embassies of delegations that opened offices in some capitals of the world, with the aim to highlight their demands (Hamid, 2018). Whereas the first delegation was the Palestinian delegation that went to the Paris peace conference in 1919 under the leadership of Sharif Al-Hussein bin Ali, the second delegation was the Palestinian delegation that went to London in 1921 to express the Palestinians' demands, and the third delegation was the Palestinian delegation that went to the Hijaz in 1922. The Hijaz, India, Iraq, Bahrain, Iran, Kuwait, the United States of America and Latin American countries were all visited by another delegation in 1947, among others, as part of a political-diplomatic effort to rally Arab and global support for the Palestinian cause (Ahmed H. M., 2016) . In that period when the Palestinian force tried at that time by all means to liberate itself from the British Mandate and its oppressive policies, most of the diplomacy was centered on finding a solution for Palestinian rule separate from the British Mandate and ending it because of its policies, as said. The second most dangerous reason was 25 Britain and its Prime Minister who allowed the increase of Jewish immigration to Palestine. The final blow to Palestine was the Balfour Declaration, which led to a great catastrophe for Palestine, leading to the occupation of Palestine by the Jewish gangs such as the Haganah, and then the declaration of the State of Israel and what Palestinians call it the “Palestinian Nakba” (Ashour, 2016). 2. 2.2 Diplomacy of Palestine (1948-1964) The policy of the British Mandate, as said previously, was to allow mass immigration of Jews and to arm Jewish gangs, most importantly the Haganah, in addition to Resolution 181 of the United Nations General Assembly, which was issued on November 29, 1947 after voting (33 for, 13 against, 10 abstaining) and adopted the Partition plan to divide Palestine, which calls for ending the British mandate on Palestine and dividing its lands into 3 new entities, as follows: a. An Arab country: Its area representing 45% of Palestine, and is located on the western Galilee, the city of Acre, the West Bank, and the southern coast extending from the north of the city of Ashdod and south to Rafah, with part of the desert along the border with Egypt. b. A Jewish state: Its area is representing 54% of Palestine, and it is located on the coastal plain from Haifa to south Tel Aviv, the eastern Galilee including Lake Kinneret and the finger of Galilee, and the Negev including Umm Rashrash or what is known currently as Eilat. c. Jerusalem under international trusteeship. These reasons fueled the conflict between the Palestinians and the Jews, and were in favor of the Jews. They finally bore fruit with the establishment of the State of Israel on the fifteenth of May 1948, which was a catastrophe for the Palestinians at that time in particular, and for the Arabs in general, and its impact on Palestinians and Arabs was called the Nakba anniversary (shafia & Maysum). 26 Image: (Haddock) Nakba is an Arabic word that means catastrophe (disaster). Israel celebrates "Independence Day" on May 15, 1948, the day the Palestinian Nakba took place. The Nakba, on the other hand, represents the initial wave of forced deportation of Palestinians from their homeland. The Nakba, according to Palestinians, was the forced eviction of 800,000 Palestinians from their homes as well as the theft of their lands. After 60 years following the Nakba, the total number of these refugees, along with their offspring and grandchildren, has risen to over 4 million. The majority of these refugees continue to reside in refugee camps in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and nearby Arab countries (Nasrallah, 2023). On this fateful day for the Palestinian people, and the other bloody days that followed, the Zionist gangs committed massacres, destroyed entire villages, and displaced people from their villages and homes. Examples of these villages are: Beit Um Al- Mais, Beit Attab, Beit Mahsir, Al-Joura, Jerash, and dozens of other villages, the most famous of which was the massacre of Deir Yassin village, in which the Zionist gangs, the Irgun and Styron, committed one of the most heinous crimes over ages, as the Zionist gangs attacked the village at dawn and killed everyone in the village, including men, women, children and even fetus in their mothers’ womb (AlJazeera, 2008). The Arab Higher Committee aimed to create a body that would represent Palestinians. In exchange for the Jews' desire to develop a Jewish government structure that would 27 be formally announced after the British Mandate ended, it attempted to persuade the Arab governments to create a government for all of Palestine in 1948. After the Arab Higher Committee's failure and the Arab armies' defeat in the 1948 June War, the State of Israel was in fact proclaimed on May 15 at the Tel Aviv Conference, inspiring the Palestinians to work assiduously for the creation of a Pan-Palestinian administration (Al-Shugair, 1971). Even though all Arab governments, except for the government of Jordan, approved of the establishment of the All-Palestine Government, which highlighted the importance of Palestinian representation in a Palestinian government in order to maintain the political identity of the Palestinian people in society and international fora, the All-Palestine Government was unable to secure the necessary international recognition. This government, however, was short- lived because it was unable to establish a strong Palestinian political entity, and as a result, its responsibilities were temporarily restricted to civil administration (Badwan, 2015). The evaluation of Palestinian diplomacy since the British Mandate and what came after the occupation of Palestine by "Israel" until the establishment of the PLO was dominated by confusion, impotence, randomness, and the absence of a unified project because of the weakness of the instruments, the lack of unified reference of the political leadership, and the contradictions between them, in addition to Arab interventions in Palestinian decision-making (Ashour, 2016). 2.2.3 Palestinian diplomacy between 1964 and 1973, the “birth of the PLO" stage Following the Nakba and the occupation of Palestine at that time, Palestinians established political organizations and increased cross-border activity as a means of reviving the national cause. The PLO eventually became the culmination of their efforts (Pearlman, 2011). Prior to the establishment of the PLO in 1964, the Palestinians lacked a legitimate organization and a cohesive political-military command to lead the uprising. More recently, the PLO has emerged as the Palestinian people's sole representative in international forums and in negotiations with governments and international organizations as the umbrella organization that unites various guerrilla fighting units (Ahmad, 1975) 28 The founding of the PLO in 1964 was not an abrupt creation of a Palestinian entity; rather, it was preceded by developments on the Palestinian and Arab levels, involving a variety of groups and fields. The emergence of the organization is regarded as the beginning of a new phase of the Arab-Israeli conflict, which affected and continues to influence events in the region, despite the divergent goals of each party and the divergence of the multiple developments of the organization’s nature and what it will be, even within each category, Palestinians and Arabs [ (Sahwil & Jihad, 2014). The PLO was created in 1964 during the first Arab Summit, which Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser had requested. Its purpose was to represent the Palestinian people's wishes and serve as a vehicle for the demand of their rights and self- determination. The conference gave the Palestine envoy, Ahmed Al-Shugairi, the task of getting in touch with the Palestinians and compiling a report on it for the subsequent Arab Summit. Ahmed Al-Shugairi toured the Arab countries and made contact with the Palestinians there. His visit coincided with the creation of the two drafts of the National Charter and the Statute of the PLO as well as the decision to host a general meeting of Palestinians. Al-Shugairi selected the conference's preparatory committees, and compiled a list of potential members for the first Palestinian conference, which King Hussein bin Talal officially opened in Jerusalem between May 28 and June 2, 1964. The First Palestinian National Council of the PLO was the name of the conference (Morrison, 1984). 242 Palestinian representatives, appointed by the Arab governments of Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, Kuwait, Qatar, and Iraq, were present at the meeting. The PLO was established and the National Charter and the organization's basic system were ratified at this conference. Ahmed Al-Shugairi was elected as the conference's president, and Hikmat Al-Masri, Haider Abdel-Shafi, and Nicola Al-Durr from Lebanon were elected as vice presidents. The conference also tasked Al-Shugairi with choosing the fifteen founding members of the Organization. The conference also voted to create the Palestinian National Fund and to militarily prepare the Palestinian people (The birth of Palestinian liberation , 2016). The following was published by the conference: Believing in the right of the Palestinian Arab people to their holy homeland of Palestine, affirming the necessity of the struggle to liberate the occupied portion of it, and supporting their determination and insistence to highlight their effective 29 revolutionary entity and mobilize their energies, capabilities, and military, and spiritual forces in order to carry out an honest desire from the aspirations of the Arab nation as reflected in the decisions of the Arab League, we declare in the name of the First Palestinian Arab Conference, held in Jerusalem on May 28, 1964: •The establishment of the PLO as a rallying point for the forces of the Palestinian Arab people to fight for their liberation, a protection for their rights and aspirations, and a way forward. •The ratification of all 29 articles of the PLO's National Charter. •Ratification of the Palestinian National Fund's and the National Council's internal rules, as well as all 31 provisions of the Basic Law. •The decision to choose the members of the Executive Committee and the election of Ahmed Al-Shugairi as Chairman of the committee. The summit, in which 397 persons will participate, will be the first of its kind for the PLO (The birth of Palestinian liberation , 2016) (Al-Sharif, Fifty years since the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization, 2014) Ahmed Al-Shugairi is a Palestinian politician and lawyer who was born in the Lebanese castle of Tebnin and spent his entire life in the Palestinian city of Tulkarem. He founded the PLO and served as its first leader. Prior to that, he served as Saudi Arabia's ambassador to UN as well as the Arab League's Assistant Secretary-General (Becker, 2014) (Al-Alawneh, 1998). 2.2.3.1 Institutions of the PLO The period that followed the establishment of the PLO is referred to as the "golden age" of Palestinian diplomacy by many scholars, which also sometimes is referred to as the "diplomacy of the Palestinian entity" due to the latter's successes on the political and military fronts, which helped to solidify the standing of the PLO by winning recognition on a national and worldwide level as the lone and genuine representative of the Palestinian people. The PLO is like any liberation movement that fights a legitimate struggle to gain its right to independence on its land and it defines itself as a legitimate liberation 30 movement and not as a gang or mercenary groups. Like any liberation movement, it has its own internal institutions, including: Palestinian National Council: As it consists of representatives of the guerrilla factions, the Palestinian people, trade union and professional bodies and institutions, it symbolizes the highest authority in the PLO and the legislative body in the State. It is the one that establishes broad policies and plans as well as approves any agreements reached with third parties (Salih). Tasks of the Palestinian National Council: 1.Development of policies, plans and programs for the PLO and its members. 2.Examination of the annual report submitted by the Executive Committee on the Organization's achievements. 3. Examination of the proposals submitted to Council by the Executive Committee and the recommendations of the Council committees. 4.The annual report of the National Fund and approval of the budget. Jerusalem is the headquarters of the permanent Palestinian National Council according to Article (7_b) of the Organization’s statute. Its presidency office has a temporary headquarters in Amman, and two branches were opened for it in each of Gaza and Ramallah after the establishment of the PNA. The members of the Palestinian Legislative Council are considered members of the Palestinian National Council upon their election according to Elections Law No. 9 of 2005, which was ratified by President Mahmoud Abbas, so paragraph 5 of Article 2 of it states: (The elected members of the Palestinian Legislative Councils shall be members of the Palestinian National Council upon their taking the legal oath in accordance with the provisions of the Statute of the PLO) (The Palestinian National Council). After the twenty-second conference in Gaza in 1996, and after a 22-year hiatus, the Palestinian National Council held the twenty-fourth conference in Ramallah in 2018, which numbered 700 members (Farrell, Sawafta, & al-Maghrab, 2018). Palestinian Central Council: In the thirteenth session of the Palestinian National Council, which was held in March 1977, it was decided to establish the Palestinian 31 Central Council to serve as a link between the Palestinian Central Council and the Executive Committee, between each of the two regular sessions of the Council. The Central Council consists of the Chairman and members of the Executive Committee, representatives of the Palestinian factions and forces, student unions, the Women's Union, the Teachers' Union, and the Workers' Union. In addition to representatives of qualified people and six observers. The President of the National Council shall be the Chairman of the Central Council. During the years since its formation, the Palestinian Central Council played an important role in discussing the various political developments related to the Palestinian cause on the Arab and international arenas, and formulating the necessary and appropriate recommendations in this regard. Among the most important decisions taken by the Central Council are: 1. Selection of the State of Palestine’s President: The Palestinian National Council, in its twentieth session, confirmed the decision of the Palestinian Central Council, which was held in Tunis on March 30, 1983, agreed to choose Yasser Arafat as the President of the State of Palestine. 2 .Establishment of the National Authority: In its session held on 10/12/1993 in Tunis, the Executive Committee of the PLO was assigned to form the Council of the PNA during the transitional period from a number of members of the Executive Committee and a number from inside and outside. Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO, shall be Chairman of the Council of the PNA. 3 .Following the legislative elections that took place in 1996 in the Palestinian territories, a number of members were added to the Central Council, representing the heads of the permanent committees in the Palestinian Legislative Council and the Legislative Council Presidency Office. In addition to the heads of parliamentary blocs in it (The establishment of the Palestinian Central Council) Executive Committee: It functions similarly to the government or the executive authority in State’s political systems and is the highest administrative authority in the state because it meets continuously and has committed employees. The Committee, which the National Assembly elects, selects the president from among its (18) members, a number that has grown in recent years (Barghouti I. , 2010). 32 2.2.3.2 Objectives and role of the organization The Palestinian National Charter, which defined the fundamental principles on which the organization is based, was approved by the first Palestinian conference in Jerusalem in May 1964. The Shuqairi method, which relies on rhetoric and verbal affirmations, was what set the Palestinian people's general goals and the Palestinian liberation apart. The Charter had an introduction and twenty-nine numbered articles (Hawarni, 1980).The first seven articles affirmed the Arab national identity of the Palestinian people, and this is due to the fact that Palestinian political thought at first was influenced by national movements, rejecting regionalism and fragmentation and adhering to the nationalist struggle and the comprehensiveness of liberation and battle. The eighth to twenty-second articles dealt with "that the upbringing of the Palestinian generation with an Arab national upbringing is a significant factor in the achievement of the national liberation of the Palestinian people," and these are three slogans: national unity, national mobilization, and liberation (Bin Jeddah & Mkadam, 2019/2017).The foundation for assessing the obligations of the PLO towards the liberation of Palestine in accordance with the Organization's statute is laid out in articles twenty-third through twenty-eighth. Article Twenty-Six placed a strong emphasis on refraining from meddling in the domestic issues of Arab countries, but it made no mention of refraining from meddling in the Organization's affairs. The Charter's final provision, number 29, states that it cannot be changed without the approval of two-thirds of the National Council of the PLO present at a special meeting scheduled for that reason (Faraj I.-D. , 1998). After that, the first speech and the placement of those items in the coming years were changed and some items were added. The PLO was founded in 1964, not in a vacuum or at random; rather, a number of political and socioeconomic factors contributed to its formation. Many Palestinians joined Arab nationalist groups when they lost their homeland of Palestine in 1948 and became stateless. These parties had different political and ideological stances. The Palestinians anticipated that with the support of these Arab groups, they would be able to free Palestine from Zionism, which had been successful in building a Jewish homeland there (Abu Nahl & Abu Saada, 2009) 33 The PLO alliance has included a variety of distinct faction, each of which has its own notable founders and organizational framework. Some of the heads of these PLO affiliate parties have occasionally contested Arafat for Palestinian support. Many are regarded as "rejectionist" faction since they opposed the interim agreements between Israel and Palestine that followed the mutual recognition of Israel and the PLO on September 13, 1993. Major factions include (Ahmed & Muhammad , 2017) 1. The Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fatah). 2.Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). 3.The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP). 4.The Palestinian Democratic Union Party (Feda). 5.The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command (PFLP-GC). 6.Palestinian Arab Front 7.Arab Liberation Front 8.Palestinian Liberation Front 9.Popular Struggle Front 10.Vanguards of the People's Liberation War Organization (Al-Sa'iqa Forces). 11.Palestinian People's Party. (Katzman, 2002) We will discuss only three factions, which are the largest factions at that time and the most influential on the scene. The Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fatah): The Fatah movement is a Palestinian, national, secular, revolutionary movement. It is considered the largest faction of the PLO. It is headed by a faction and its president is the one who heads the Organization as a whole. It is the only movement that began its inception at the hands of Yasser Arafat and many Palestinian leaders before the existence of the PLO. The founding of the "Fatah" movement had its origins in a conference that included Yasser Arafat, Khalil-Al Wazeer, Salim Al-Za’noun, Youssef Amira, Abdullah Al- Danan, Adel Abdel-Karim near the end of 1957. The gathering marked the launch of 34 the Fatah movement. Since 1959, more people have joined, with the most notable being Salah Khalaf, Khaled Al-Hassan, Abdel-Fattah Hammoud, Kamal Adwan, Muhammad Youssef Al-Najjar, Kamal Adwan, Abdel-Fattah Ismail, and Mahmoud Abbas. "The Structure of the Revolutionary Building" and "The Statement of Our Movement" were also adopted (Palestinian National Liberation Movement / Fatah). Arafat relocated to Kuwait from Egypt following the Suez War. He started out there working as a civil engineer for the Kuwait Department of Public Works before starting his own contracting business. Despite the success of his firm, Arafat continued to devote most of his time and resources to the Palestinian campaign for national freedom. He assisted in founding Al Fatah (conquest) in 1958 as a result of his continued political activism, in accordance with other Third World groups of the time, including those in Cuba and Vietnam, Fatah, which stands for the National Liberation of Palestine Movement, referred to itself as a revolutionary movement. On the other hand, Fatah typically avoided embracing any particular political doctrine in order to set itself separate from that revolutionary heritage. This is especially true in relation to the then-dominant Arab philosophies (Nasserism, Baathism, Islamism, etc.) (Davidson, 2009) The founding members of Al-Fatah sought out individuals who were similar to themselves, including educators, engineers, workers, students, and businessmen, "most of whom were relatively well-off and unburdened with a family and were both politically alert and free to devote themselves to public activities." [66] The first media outlet used by "Fatah" to gain attention was Tawfiq Khoury's "Our Palestine - The Call of Life" magazine, which had been published in Beirut since November 1964, and it drew numerous more revolutionary organizing groupings as a result. Majid Abu Sharar, Ahmed Qurei, Farouk Qaddumi, Sakhr Habash, Yahya Ashour, Zakaria Abdel Hamid, Samih Abu Kwaik, Abbas Zaki, and a large number of other individuals joined this burgeoning movement during that time (Palestinian National Liberation Movement / Fatah) Fatah movement continued to operate secretly from Lebanon, Syria and Egypt during that period until 1962, when the movement’s leadership was disappointed by Jamal Abdel Nasser when he said, “I have no plan for the liberation.” After the Algerian revolution, Algerian leadership of Ben Bella and Bou Medine received Fatah 35 movement opened its first official office in Algiers, the capital of Algeria (Fareed M. M., 2013) On December 31, 1964, the expanded Fatah leadership decided to launch the military action under the name of "Storm troops” with the infamous operation known as "Eilabun Tunnel Operation," in which an Israeli water system was destroyed. The "Fatah" movement's efforts thereafter continued and intensified after 1965. The Israeli military was quite irritated by this. The "Fatah" movement's political and military goals did not clash with the official Palestinian and Arab plans, according to the first political declaration, which was released on January 28, 1965. Later, the movement stressed the importance of military mobilization. The current Palestinian revolution broke out on January 1, 1965, which is when the movement declared its founding. After the Nakba, the Fatah movement's armed uprising in January 1965 served as the movement's official inauguration. Fatah brought back consideration for the national character and identity of the Palestinian people, as well as global attention to the Palestinian cause, its justice, and its positioning among other liberation movements (Palestinian National Liberation Movement / Fatah). In response to the 1948 tragedy and the events that followed, the Fatah movement was created. These events left people bitter about the traditional Palestinian leaders' inability to act under the circumstances and feeling that the Palestinian vanguards couldn't be divided into local Arab organizations because they were more focused on their local issues than the Palestinian cause. It was founded as a result of the success of the first military conflict in the Gaza Strip (1953–1955) and the tenacity of the populace there against Israeli aggression (1955). The beginnings of the Algerian revolution, the defeat of the tripartite onslaught against Egypt in the 1956 war, the building of the Syrian-Egyptian unity, the Iraqi revolution (1958), and the blooming of general national activity all contributed to the groupings that made up Fatah's confidence (Saqqa, 2021) Yasser Arafat was the head of PLO and the Fatah movement, the head of the movement's executive committee, the head of the Palestinian Authority, and the head of the State of Palestine. He was also a symbol and a leader of the Palestinian cause, in addition to the keffiyeh, the unusual piece of cloth that he always wore on his head and neck, which later became a symbol of the revolution and the Palestinian cause. He 36 preceded influential politicians and leaders in the Palestinian cause, and is considered the godfather of Palestine, the people, and the Palestinian cause. He represented fatherhood to his people. Despite some political differences between the Palestinian parties that existed at the time and those that exist today, they all agree on his loyalty to Palestine and the Palestinian cause (Muwafaq , 2019) Mohammed Abdel-Raouf Arafat Al Qudwa al-Hussaeini was born on 24 August 1929. the exact place of his birth is unknown, but it is said that he was either born in Cairo or Jerusalem. His father was a textile merchant who was a Palestinian with some Egyptian ancestry and his mother was from an old Palestinian family in Jerusalem. She died when Yasir, as he was called, was five years old, and he was sent to live with his maternal uncle in Jerusalem, the capital of the British Mandate of Palestine at that time. He has revealed little about his childhood, but one of his earliest memories is of British soldiers breaking into his uncle’s house after midnight, beating members of the family and smashing furniture. After four years in Jerusalem, his father brought him back to Cairo, where an older sister took care of him and his siblings. Before he was seventeen, Arafat was in Cairo smuggling weapons into Palestine for use against the British and Zionists. He quit his studies at the University of Fuad I (later Cairo University) when he was nineteen in order to fight against the Israelis in the Gaza region during the conflict between the Arab governments and the Israelis. He was so dejected by the Arabs' defeat and the establishment of the State of Israel that he asked for a visa to attend the University of Texas. He returned to Fuad University to pursue an engineering major but spent the majority of his time serving as the leader of the Palestinian students after finding his spirits and his desire for a Palestinian nation restored. He was successful in earning his degree in 1956, working for a short time in Egypt before relocating to Kuwait, where he first found work in the department of public works before starting his own construction business. He devoted all of his free time to political endeavors, to which he made the majority of the revenues. He and his friends established Al-Fatah in 1958, a network of covert cells that in 1959 started publishing a periodical magazine that called for military resistance against Israel. He left Kuwait at the end of 1964 to devote his attention exclusively to revolution, planning incursions by the Fatah into Israel from Jordan (Kumaraswamy, 2015) (Yasser Arafat). 37 The Arab League sponsored the establishment of the PLO in 1964, uniting a number of organizations that were all seeking to liberate Palestine for the Palestinians. The Arab states preferred a more accommodative approach than Fatah's, but following their defeat by Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War, Fatah emerged from the shadows as the most potent and well-organized of the PLO's constituent groups. Fatah then took control of the PLO in 1969 when Arafat was elected to lead its executive committee. The PLO intended to become an autonomous nationalist organization with a basis in Jordan rather than a sort of puppet organization of the Arab regimes that sought to keep the Palestinians quiet (Davidson, 2009) During his life, Yasser Arafat fought many battles, sieges, and assassinations, but he emerged victorious from them. The most important situation mentioned in Palestinian history is his famous speech at the United Nations, in which he inserted his gun into the United Nations building and said, “I came to you carrying the gun in one hand and the olive branch in the other, so do not drop the olive branch from my hand,” a symbolic sign that the olive branch expresses peace (Rubin, 2003). Yasser Arafat received many awards and honors throughout his struggle history, such as the Nobel Peace Prize in October 1994, the Felix Hunet Boigny Peace Prize in July of the same year, the Prince of Asturias Award in Spain also in the same year, and the Juliet Curie Gold Medal – World Peace Council in 1997. He received many awards and titles before and after those dates, and he was elected president of the Palestinian Authority in 1994 and continued until the end of 2004 (Yasser Arafat) (wafa, The Struggle Biography of the Martyr President Yasser Arafat (1929-2004 AD)). Yasser Arafat fell ill two years after the Israeli army besieged him inside his headquarters in Ramallah, and he fell into a coma. He passed away on November 11, 2004 at Bercy Military Hospital in Paris, at the age of 75. The exact cause of death is unknown, and doctors said that the cause of death was cirrhosis of the liver, but no autopsy was done (Rubin, 2003) . Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP): The PLO's most active faction after Fatah is the PFLP. The group has a strongly pan-Arab bent. It has taken responsibility for large number of heists and murders. A number of lesser groups' members formed the PFLP in 1967. Among them were individuals who belonged to 38 the Arab National Movement (ANM), including George Habash who founded PFLP, which follows radical left-wing orientation. The ANM adopted the idea of a global revolution from Marxism-Leninism into its core beliefs. This was then included into the PFLP's view (Baracskay, 2011). The ANM was founded to appeal to a wider popularity among Arab masses after the failed attempt to combine with Aflaq’s Ba'ath party, and George Habash soon distinguished himself as a prominent and charismatic party leader. This Movement also started out with a right-wing, patriotic, Pan-Arab ideology that was also nationalist, but it was able to attract a number of Arab intellectuals in its early years, including Muhsin Ibrahim and Nayef Hawatmeh. Due to Ibrahim's leadership and his dual nationalist and class-based perspectives on the Arab-Israeli conflict, the movement underwent a Marxist transformation in the 1960s. ANM was home to a variety of currents, including one led by Habash that was leftist and nationalist (Leopardi, 2013) Since he was a student and throughout the development of Palestinian independence and the liberation of its people, George Habash is regarded as one of the most notable